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“The Lord has confused any reason in their foolish minds.”

The Intercepted Letter from Aniela C., Poland 1942

Text: Dr. Katarzyna Woniak

The 28-year-old Anie­la C. was well awa­re of the Ger­man cen­sor­ship when she wro­te a let­ter to her good fri­end Jan B. on Janu­ary 9, 1942. Nevert­hel­ess, she gave free rein to her anger.1 She lived in her ances­tral vil­la­ge of Grod­ziec, which had been part of the ter­ri­to­ries anne­xed by the Ger­man Reich after the occu­pa­ti­on of Pol­and in 1939. Her fri­end Jan had been sent to per­form forced labour in East Prus­sia sin­ce the spring of 1941. The bud­ding cou­ple missed each other very much and tried to bridge the peri­od of sepa­ra­ti­on by kee­ping a regu­lar cor­re­spon­dence. Anie­la often wro­te her let­ters “on the off chan­ce” that “any one of them would get the­re”. It appears that the young Polish woman used this com­mu­ni­ca­ti­on as an out­let for her unex­pres­sed emo­ti­ons, as her let­ters were full of anger at the Ger­mans. She was angry about new orders, such as the com­pul­so­ry han­ding over of win­ter clot­hing for Ger­man sol­diers. She also feared being abrupt­ly expel­led from her house, some­thing that had hap­pen­ed next door, whe­re the Ger­mans had depor­ted an enti­re fami­ly to the Gene­ral Gou­ver­ne­ment for no reason, a fact she also told her fri­end about in her let­ter. Anie­la hated the occu­p­iers becau­se of the ever­y­day terror.

In her (sup­po­sedly) pri­va­te cor­re­spon­dence, she no lon­ger wan­ted to res­train hers­elf. She rai­led against the Ger­mans and was not afraid of the con­se­quen­ces of her anti-Ger­man sen­ti­ments. Among other things, she wro­te: “The Lord has con­foun­ded any reason in their foo­lish minds. I have writ­ten a litt­le too much, per­haps the let­ter will be with­held. I expect this and will wri­te the second let­ter imme­dia­te­ly and, if neces­sa­ry, the third. I will play on their [the Ger­mans’] ner­ves. May they turn like worms on a red-hot pla­te.” Just 10 days later, the let­ter, which had been cen­so­red and trans­la­ted into Ger­man, was han­ded over to the Gesta­po in Zichen­au, whereu­pon the trai­ned seam­stress was arres­ted and locked up in the court pri­son. As Anie­la made no secret of her hat­red of the Ger­mans during her inter­ro­ga­ti­on, she was sub­se­quent­ly trans­fer­red to the Ravens­brück Con­cen­tra­ti­on Camp. In the eyes of the Gesta­po offi­ci­als: “she posed a par­ti­cu­lar dan­ger to the con­so­li­da­ti­on of con­di­ti­ons in the eas­tern ter­ri­to­ries.” Once in the camp, she not only had to per­form forced labour in the cold and hun­ger, but also endu­red medi­cal experiments.

What historical insights can we gain from analysing this letter and Aniela’s fate?

Given the let­ter’s emo­tio­nal depth, it is worth explo­ring Aniela´s self-per­cep­ti­on within the con­text of occu­pa­ti­on. Dra­wing on the histo­ry of emo­ti­ons, it quick­ly beco­mes clear that her let­ter ser­ves as a stra­tegy for coping with the occupation.

The young Polish woman’s beha­viour is sym­pto­ma­tic for Pol­and under Ger­man occu­pa­ti­on. The ever­y­day harass­ment, expul­si­ons and arrests left the local popu­la­ti­on stun­ned. In the end, they sim­ply no lon­ger knew what to do with their pent-up and over­whel­ming emo­ti­ons, so they sent let­ters to each other. Some sen­ders were bet­ter able to encode their anger and hat­red, while others, in their despe­ra­ti­on, did not want to make the effort.

Bet­ween 1941 and 1945, count­less let­ters were recor­ded by the Aus­lands­brief­prüf­stel­le (For­eign Let­ter Inspec­tion Office), an aut­ho­ri­ty within the Wehr­macht respon­si­ble for the inspec­tion of for­eign mail, which had seve­ral regio­nal offices on the Reich’s exter­nal bor­ders. It employ­ed dozens of lin­gu­ists who ran­dom­ly read the let­ters arri­ving in the Ger­man Reich and trans­la­ted sus­pi­cious pas­sa­ges into Ger­man. The aut­ho­ri­ty then for­ward­ed the let­ters to the Gesta­po, which car­ri­ed out inves­ti­ga­ti­ons among the sen­ders and reci­pi­ents in order to track down anti-Ger­man sen­ti­ments and poten­ti­al resis­tance figh­ters. In addi­ti­on to the Aus­län­der­brief­prüf­stel­le, the Ger­man Reichs­post also spo­ra­di­cal­ly cen­so­red for­eign cor­re­spon­dence on behalf of the local poli­ce sta­ti­ons and the Gestapo.3

The with­held let­ters repre­sent a spe­cial type of source that has hard­ly been reco­gni­zed in pre­vious his­to­ri­cal research.4 The­se are ego-docu­ments that dis­play a con­tem­po­ra­ry snapshot in the midst of the war, espe­ci­al­ly of the “litt­le peo­p­le”, and thus bring to light many pre­vious­ly unknown fates of per­se­cu­ti­on. We can view the­se let­ters as evi­dence of a dou­ble per­se­cu­ti­on. The pri­ma­ry per­se­cu­ti­on is the poli­cy of the Ger­man Occu­py­ing Forces. The peo­p­le sub­jec­ted to it saw them­sel­ves as pas­si­ve vic­tims of arbi­tra­ry rule. They feared for their pos­ses­si­ons, lived in pover­ty and expe­ri­en­ced humi­lia­ti­on and inju­s­ti­ce due to their eth­nic ori­gin. The per­se­cu­ti­on on a secon­da­ry level resul­ted from the con­se­quen­ces of let­ter cen­sor­ship. The Gesta­po arres­ted both sen­ders and reci­pi­ents for the dura­ti­on of the inves­ti­ga­ti­on. Depen­ding on the Gesta­po func­tio­n­a­ries’ wis­hes, the punish­ment could ran­ge from a war­ning to tem­po­ra­ry detenti­on in a Arbeits­er­zie­hungs­la­ger (Labor Edu­ca­ti­on Camp) or even inc­ar­ce­ra­ti­on in a con­cen­tra­ti­on camp. Howe­ver, it was com­mon for the poli­ce to call in the ordi­na­ry courts, which sen­ten­ced the accu­sed under the Heim­tü­cke­ge­setz (The Law against Insi­dious Attacks on the Sta­te and Par­ty and for the Pro­tec­tion of Par­ty Uni­forms of Decem­ber 20, 1934) for their anti-Ger­man statements.

Alt­hough pos­tal sec­re­cy was also lifted for citi­zens of the Ger­man Reich, the cor­re­spon­dence part­ner con­cer­ned was gene­ral­ly spared sen­ten­cing based on racial ideo­lo­gy. Both as so-cal­led Polish civi­li­an workers on “labour deploy­ment” in Ger­ma­ny and as “natio­nal Poles” in the occu­p­ied ter­ri­to­ries, eth­nic Poles were con­side­red infe­ri­or “sub-humans” in the eyes of the Nazis.

Where can we find the intercepted letters from occupied Poland?

The Gesta­po files come to mind first. Howe­ver, most of them were sys­te­ma­ti­cal­ly des­troy­ed at the end of the war. Today only the per­son­nel files of the Sta­te poli­ce Sta­ti­on Zichenau/Schröttersburg (Ciechanów/Płock) and the Gesta­po Lodz/Litzmannstadt (Łódź) have been pre­ser­ved for the for­mer Ger­man-occu­p­ied Polish ter­ri­to­ry. Nevert­hel­ess, the­se regio­nal hol­dings alo­ne show the enorm­ous scope of the per­se­cu­ti­on prac­ti­ce with regard to let­ters clas­si­fied as hosti­le to the Ger­mans. In con­trast, the per­son­nel files of the Nazi judi­cia­ry (Gene­ral Pro­se­cu­tor’s Office; courts, pri­sons) are very well pre­ser­ved. They con­tain num­e­rous judgments against Polish citi­zens based on let­ter cen­sor­ship. In addi­ti­on to the let­ters as evi­dence, the files in ques­ti­on also con­tain infor­ma­ti­on on inves­ti­ga­ti­ons con­duc­ted, which lar­ge­ly enable the neces­sa­ry con­tex­tua­liza­ti­on of the respec­ti­ve exch­an­ge of letters.

The sur­vi­ving let­ters are pre­ser­ved in the ori­gi­nal and most­ly in offi­ci­al trans­la­ti­on. The enve­lo­pe, often used as a means of com­mu­ni­ca­ti­on its­elf, is usual­ly docu­men­ted. Some sen­ders wro­te in bro­ken Ger­man that the let­ter was very important and asked for it to be deli­ver­ed quick­ly. Some enve­lo­pes con­tain fami­ly pho­to­graphs or reli­gious objects, which illus­tra­te the sub­jec­ti­ve natu­re of the­se sources.

The advan­ta­ge of this type of source mate­ri­al is its decen­tra­li­zed ori­gin and the diver­si­ty of its aut­hors, who often car­ry unsta­ble eth­nic-natio­nal iden­ti­ties within them­sel­ves. This makes it pos­si­ble to exami­ne emo­ti­ons and expe­ri­en­ces of the occu­pa­ti­on in various ter­ri­to­ri­al, social and eth­nic con­texts. Under­ly­ing many let­ters is the pain of sepa­ra­ti­on, which gives them a par­ti­cu­lar emo­tio­nal den­si­ty. The sen­ders living under occu­pa­ti­on main­ly wro­te to their fri­ends and fami­ly mem­bers about mat­ters par­ti­cu­lar­ly clo­se to their hearts, reve­al­ing their emo­ti­ons and expe­ri­en­ces. Even tho­se who were unable to wri­te uti­li­zed the medi­um of let­ters and put their fee­lings on paper with the help of neighbours.

If epis­te­mo­lo­gy at the time of the war is the object of inves­ti­ga­ti­on, it is essen­ti­al to cla­ri­fy the role of cen­sor­ship of let­ters. It is clear that the sen­ders’ know­ledge about the con­trol exer­cis­ed over their cor­re­spon­dence was vague, situa­tio­nal and indi­vi­du­al. Even if cer­tain aut­hors were awa­re of the moni­to­ring of cor­re­spon­dence, they still con­vey­ed the mes­sa­ges they wis­hed to send, such as Anie­la quo­ted abo­ve. Howe­ver, some infor­ma­ti­on only emer­ges by rea­ding bet­ween the lines.

The use of the let­ters inter­cept­ed by the Ger­man cen­sors for his­to­ri­cal rese­arch requi­res deep ethi­cal reflec­tion. First, it takes a con­sidera­ble effort to read other peo­p­le’s cor­re­spon­dence for aca­de­mic pur­po­ses. Is it jus­ti­fied to use the­se deep­ly per­so­nal objects as sources of know­ledge and to dis­re­gard the pos­tal sec­re­cy that was alre­a­dy being dis­re­gard­ed by the Ger­man cen­sors at the time? None of the aut­hors of the let­ters can give a decla­ra­ti­on of con­sent. The same appli­es to the des­cen­dants, for whom the let­ters would nor­mal­ly be an exem­pla­ry fami­ly memen­to. Howe­ver, they are often una­wa­re of the exis­tence of the­se letters.

For all of the­se reasons, it is essen­ti­al to tre­at the­se docu­ments with respect. We should pri­ma­ri­ly under­stand them as the inti­ma­te lega­cy of peo­p­le living in extre­me­ly dif­fi­cult cir­cum­s­tances. The per­se­cu­ted peo­p­le often wro­te their let­ters as cries for help with high­ly emo­tio­nal or spi­ri­tu­al con­tent. Some let­ters were even fare­well gree­tings. Respect for rese­arch ethics is the­r­e­fo­re to be direc­ted both at the let­ters them­sel­ves and at the bio­gra­phies of the sen­ders. From a her­me­neu­tic point of view, it means con­side­ring the peo­p­le con­cer­ned as sub­jects, inclu­ding their expe­ri­en­ces, emo­ti­ons and pre­ju­di­ces. It is the­r­e­fo­re advi­sa­ble to include only tho­se let­ters in the ana­ly­sis for which the bio­gra­phi­cal back­ground can be recon­s­truc­ted and unders­tood in order to cor­rect­ly situa­te the let­ter aut­hors in their envi­ron­ment. In the publi­ca­ti­on of the let­ters, we should ensu­re the par­ti­al anony­mi­ty of the bio­gra­phies, even if the per­sons con­cer­ned are long decea­sed. After all, it is unknown whe­ther they would have agreed to the usa­ge of their per­so­nal documents.

The let­ter inter­cept­ed in the midd­le of the peri­od of occu­pa­ti­on is an ego-docu­ment of per­se­cu­ti­on, depen­ding on the con­tent and con­se­quen­ces of the let­ter cen­sor­ship. In the case of Anie­la C., this is defi­ni­te­ly the case. Her let­ter and her bio­gra­phy would be an important source for con­tem­po­ra­ry deba­tes about the “Besat­zungs­mu­se­um” and the place of remem­brance and encoun­ters with Poland.5 In this sen­se, deal­ing with inter­cept­ed let­ters shifts the per­spec­ti­ve to ever­y­day life under occu­pa­ti­on and ulti­m­ate­ly gives the per­se­cu­ted “litt­le peo­p­le” their voice back.

Trans­la­ti­on: Nils Bergmann

References

  1. Quo­ta­ti­ons and fur­ther infor­ma­ti­on are taken from Anie­la C.‘s per­so­nal file in the “Gesta­po Zichen­au” fonds. Archi­wum Ins­ty­tu­tu Pamięci Naro­do­wej w Wars­za­wie [Archi­ves of the Insti­tu­te of Natio­nal Remem­brance in War­saw], Sign. IPN GK 629⁄633. For her con­cen­tra­ti­on camp expe­ri­ence, see the com­pen­sa­ti­on file from 1972 in the same archi­ve: Sign. IPN GK 927⁄5850. The text was writ­ten as part of the pro­ject fun­ded by the Ger­man Rese­arch Foun­da­ti­on (DFG) entit­led ” (Emo­ti­ons under extre­me con­di­ti­ons. Emo­tio­nal worlds in Pol­and under Ger­man occu­pa­ti­on, 1939–1945) (pro­ject num­ber: 448792852, pro­ject dura­ti­on 2020–2026).
  2. Cf. Chris­ti­ne Har­tig, Brie­fe als Zugang zu einer All­tags­ge­schich­te des Natio­nal­so­zia­lis­mus, Ham­burg 2018, online publi­ca­ti­on, https://ns-alltagsgeschichten.blogs.uni-hamburg.de/wp-content/uploads/themen/Briefe-als-Quelle/index.html (last acces­sed: 07.01.2023).
  3. His­to­ri­cal rese­arch has often focu­sed on the mail of con­cen­tra­ti­on camp pri­soners, who­se spe­cial fea­ture, apart from the self-evi­dent cen­sor­ship of let­ters, was the com­pul­si­on to wri­te in Ger­man. See: Ben­ja­min Grilj, Brie­fe aus den Lagern der NS-Herr­schaft (1933−1945), in: Marie Isa­bel Matthews-Schlin­zig, Jörg Schus­ter, Gesa Stein­brink, Jochen Stro­bel (Hrsg.), Hand­buch Brief. Von der Frü­hen Neu­zeit bis zur Gegen­wart, 2 Bd.., Ber­lin 2020, pp. 1441–1449; cf. Heinz Wewer, Spu­ren des Ter­rors. Pos­ta­li­sche Zeug­nis­se zum Sys­tem der deut­schen Kon­zen­tra­ti­ons­la­ger, Ber­lin 2020.
  4. In Novem­ber 2017, against the back­drop of the Polish deba­te on Ger­man war repa­ra­ti­ons, an appeal was made to the Ger­man Bun­des­tag and the Ger­man public to erect a monu­ment to Pol­and in the cent­re of Ber­lin to com­me­mo­ra­te the Polish vic­tims of the Ger­man occupation.
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