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Photography as Testimony

Neus Català in Prisoner Uniform, France 1945

Text: Hannah Sprute

The woman in the pho­to wears a stri­ped pri­soner uni­form mark­ed with the num­ber 50446, gazing serious­ly into the came­ra. The cap­ti­on at the bot­tom of the pho­to reve­als her name: Neus Català.

Cata­là, a Cata­lan nur­se and com­mu­nist, fled to France like many other repu­bli­cans fol­lo­wing their defeat by Fran­co’s tro­ops in the Spa­nish Civil War. In the south of France, she joi­n­ed the com­mu­nist resis­tance orga­niza­ti­on Front Natio­nal during the Ger­man occu­pa­ti­on and smug­g­led wea­pons and docu­ments as a cou­rier. In Novem­ber 1942, she was arres­ted by the Gesta­po and depor­ted to the Ravens­brück Con­cen­tra­ti­on Camp, from whe­re she was trans­fer­red to the Hol­lei­schen sub­camp in April 1944.1

A few months after the libe­ra­ti­on of the camp in May 1945, Cata­là, who was unable to return to her home­land now ruled by Fran­co, had hers­elf pho­to­gra­phed in her pri­soner’s clot­hing, in a pho­to stu­dio in Sar­lat-la-Cané­da in regi­on of Péri­g­ord. I would like to take a clo­ser look at this pho­to­gra­phy in order to ana­ly­se and clas­si­fy the motifs and the cir­cum­s­tances of its creation.

In con­cen­tra­ti­on camps, pri­soners were for­bidden to take pho­to­graphs, and the guards them­sel­ves were also pro­hi­bi­ted from doing so within the camp. Only the iden­ti­fi­ca­ti­on ser­vice and the camp con­s­truc­tion mana­gers were per­mit­ted to take pho­to­graphs for cer­tain pur­po­ses. Apart from a few excep­ti­ons, in which pri­soners mana­ged to take pho­tos unde­tec­ted and smugg­le them out of the camp2, the only oppor­tu­ni­ty for docu­men­ta­ti­on and the crea­ti­on of (self-)portraits came in the form of secret dra­wings. It was only after the libe­ra­ti­on of the camps that mem­bers of the Allied tro­ops pho­to­gra­phed what they found in order to cap­tu­re the ext­ent of the Nazi cri­mes.3 In this con­text, group pho­tos of sur­vi­vors in their pri­soner clot­hing were staged.4 The fact that Cata­là went to a pho­to­grapher in her pri­soner clot­hing a few weeks or even months after her libe­ra­ti­on from the camp, when she was back in France is rather unu­su­al, alt­hough such pic­tures have also been han­ded down by some other con­cen­tra­ti­on camp sur­vi­vors.5

Prisoners’ clothing as a symbol of resistance

So why did Cata­là go to a pho­to stu­dio in the fall of 1945 and have hers­elf pho­to­gra­phed in her pri­soner clot­hing from the Hol­lei­schen sub­camp? Why did she repro­du­ce her iden­ti­ty as a pri­soner ins­tead of re-appro­pria­ting her femin­in­i­ty, which had been taken away from her by the SS in the con­cen­tra­ti­on camp through the shaving of her hair and the uni­form, sha­pe­l­ess clot­hing? Sur­vi­ving women in par­ti­cu­lar often wan­ted to get rid of their pri­son clot­hing quick­ly after libe­ra­ti­on. The “clot­hing eit­her stri­ped or mark­ed with a white cross was buried in the forest as soon as they had some­thing else to hand”.6 The pri­soners’ clot­hing, initi­al­ly a sym­bol of the oppres­si­on and de-indi­vi­dua­liza­ti­on of the peo­p­le depor­ted, also chan­ged its mea­ning with libe­ra­ti­on. It could beco­me a sym­bol of sur­vi­val and a mar­ker of a new­ly acqui­red iden­ti­ty. Ste­phan Maty­us wri­tes about pho­to­graphs that Fran­cis­co Boix, ano­ther Cata­lan pri­soner of the Maut­hau­sen con­cen­tra­ti­on camp, took of his com­ra­des in their pri­soner clot­hing imme­dia­te­ly after libe­ra­ti­on: “Alt­hough some sur­vi­vors had alre­a­dy chan­ged into civi­li­an clo­thes, they rever­ted to the stri­ped pri­soner jacket for the pho­to series. […] In Boix’s hands, the came­ra […] now gave the libe­ra­ted pri­soners a new self-image, which was to bear wit­ness to the fact that alt­hough they were pri­soners of the con­cen­tra­ti­on camp, their spi­rit of resis­tance was not bro­ken. “7

Cata­là thus reap­pro­pria­ted her pri­soner clot­hing as a sym­bol of resis­tance and sur­vi­val and looks serious­ly and reso­lut­e­ly into the came­ra. It was not a mat­ter of cour­se that Cata­là retur­ned to France in the­se very clo­thes. She told the his­to­ri­an Eli­sen­da Bel­en­guer Mer­ca­dé: “In March, they gave us the sum­mer dress, which was so bad that it loo­ked like a trans­pa­rent robe, but this year, when they libe­ra­ted us, they still had­n’t given it to us. So I wore the win­ter dress. We kept it becau­se we wan­ted to go back in it, even though the Allies brought us other clo­thes!“8

Imme­dia­te­ly after libe­ra­ti­on, many freed con­cen­tra­ti­on camp inma­tes regard­ed their clot­hing as an important sym­bol testi­fy­ing to their suf­fe­ring and resis­tance, which in turn empha­si­zed their role as sur­vi­vors and wit­nesses. For­mer poli­ti­cal pri­soners in par­ti­cu­lar proud­ly adopted the often blue and white stri­ped pri­soners’ clot­hing as well as the red tri­ang­le that mark­ed their pri­soner group and their own pri­soner num­ber. The lat­ter ther­eby could para­do­xi­cal­ly beco­me a sym­bol of indi­vi­du­al iden­ti­ty. Sin­ce 1945, the pri­soners’ clot­hing has been worn by for­mer pri­soners at com­me­mo­ra­ti­on cere­mo­nies and poli­ti­cal demons­tra­ti­ons in order to express a moral aut­ho­ri­ty.9 Bär­bel Schmidt iden­ti­fies three reasons for this prac­ti­ce: First­ly, the edu­ca­tio­nal aim to remem­ber and admo­nish; second­ly, the coll­ec­ti­ve com­me­mo­ra­ti­on of the dead; and third­ly, the visua­liza­ti­on of belon­ging to the pri­soner com­mu­ni­ty.10

I would now like to look at the second aspect men­tio­ned by Schmidt: Neus Cata­là’s facial expres­si­on in this pho­to­graph is not only serious and deter­mi­ned, it also appears to be inward-loo­king as well as cha­rac­te­ri­zed by grief and con­cern. In addi­ti­on to the grief she must have felt for her dead com­ra­des, which accom­pa­nied many sur­vi­vors, Cata­là must have also been worried about her hus­band Albert Roger. It was only after this pho­to was taken that she lear­ned that he had died in the Ber­gen-Bel­sen con­cen­tra­ti­on camp short­ly befo­re its libe­ra­ti­on.11

Stubborn “icon of survival”

Is this pho­to­graph, in which Cata­là initi­al­ly appears to be the depic­ted object and not the acting sub­ject, a tes­tim­o­ny? I would ans­wer this ques­ti­on with a defi­ni­ti­ve yes. Cata­là deci­ded to go to a pho­to­grapher for this image in her pri­soner’s clot­hing, allo­wing hers­elf to be cap­tu­red by the pho­to­grapher as a for­mer pri­soner, sur­vi­vor and wit­ness. In this way, she regai­ned con­trol over her own image, which had been taken from her as a vic­tim of per­se­cu­ti­on. She set an exam­p­le of anti-fascist resis­tance in her ongo­ing poli­ti­cal exi­le. In doing so, she cir­cum­ven­ted the expec­ta­ti­ons of her own fami­ly to for­get her expe­ri­en­ces as quick­ly as pos­si­ble after her return from depor­ta­ti­on. She ins­tead idio­syn­cra­ti­cal­ly held on to the memo­ry of the camp. In Cor­ne­lia Brin­k’s words, the pho­to­graph is thus both “an impres­si­on of ‘rea­li­ty’ and its inter­pre­ta­ti­on ”12 by Cata­là. The pic­tu­re calls into ques­ti­on a strict chro­no­lo­gy sepa­ra­ting a time “in the camp” and that “after the libe­ra­ti­on”. Short­ly after this pic­tu­re was taken, her sis­ter-in-law bur­ned the clo­thes Cata­là had brought with her from the con­cen­tra­ti­on camp, tog­e­ther with let­ters that her hus­band Albert had sent her during her imprisonment.

In any case, this pic­tu­re did not fail to make an impact; the pho­to­grapher who took the pic­tu­re in 1945 refu­sed to accept pay­ment from Cata­là. To this day, this pho­to is the most published image of Neus Cata­là (1915−2019), who achie­ved a high degree of fame through her tire­less poli­ti­cal enga­ge­ment in France and Spain. In this respect, the image beca­me an “icon of sur­vi­val” pro­du­ced by a sur­vi­vor on her own initia­ti­ve, which dif­fers from the “icons of exter­mi­na­ti­on”, the images that Allied pho­to­graph­ers took at the sites of for­mer con­cen­tra­ti­on camps of the sur­vi­vors and tho­se who were murdered.

If we view pho­to­graphs as inten­tio­nal sta­gings of the self, of the pho­to­grapher or the pho­to­gra­phed per­son, they must be taken serious­ly as tes­ti­mo­nies, espe­ci­al­ly in the con­text of per­se­cu­ti­on, to trace the inten­ti­ons behind them.

Trans­la­ti­on: Nils Bergmann

References

  1. Around 200 Spa­nish women were depor­ted to Ravens­brück con­cen­tra­ti­on camp and from the­re often to various sub­camps. Most of them had fled the Fran­co regime and had alre­a­dy lived in France for seve­ral years, which is why most of them were regis­tered as French women. On the depor­ta­ti­on of Cata­là and other women from Spain impri­so­ned in Ger­man con­cen­tra­ti­on camps, see Neus Cata­là, In Ravens­brück ging mei­ne Jugend zu Ende. Four­teen Spa­nish women report on their depor­ta­ti­on to Ger­man con­cen­tra­ti­on camps, Ber­lin 1994.
  2. One exam­p­le are the pho­to­graphs taken in secret by Polish women in Ravens­brück con­cen­tra­ti­on camp who were them­sel­ves vic­tims of medi­cal expe­ri­ments. See Andrea Genest, Foto­gra­fien als Zeug­nis. Häft­lings­fo­to­gra­fien aus dem Frau­en­kon­zen­tra­ti­ons­la­ger Ravens­brück, in: Hil­de­gard Frü­bis et al. (ed.), Foto­gra­fien aus den Lagern des NS-Regimes. Beweis­si­che­rung und ästhe­ti­sche Pra­xis, Vien­na 2019, p. 85–111.
  3. On the crea­ti­on and dis­se­mi­na­ti­on of the­se images, see Cor­ne­lia Brink, Iko­nen der Ver­nich­tung. Öffent­li­cher Gebrauch von Foto­gra­fien aus natio­nal­so­zia­lis­ti­schen Kon­zen­tra­ti­ons­la­gern nah 1945, Ber­lin 1998.
  4. See, for exam­p­le, a group pho­to of libe­ra­ted pri­soners taken in the Hol­lei­schen sub­camp, https://www.gedenkstaette-flossenbuerg.de/de/geschichte/aussenlager/holleischen, acces­sed on 16.06.2023. Pho­to­grapher unknown.
  5. See, for exam­p­le, David Roj­kow­ski, Von Umbrü­chen und Wen­de­punk­ten. Über das Umdeu­ten und Aneig­nen der NS-Lager­sym­bo­lik durch KZ Häft­lin­ge, in: Axel Dre­coll, Maren Jung-Die­s­tel­mei­er (ed.), Bruch­stü­cke ’45. Von NS-Gewalt, Befrei­un­gen und Umbrü­chen im Jahr 1945, Ber­lin 2021, p. 153–161. David Roj­kow­ski deals with a simi­lar por­trait pho­to of the French con­cen­tra­ti­on camp sur­vi­vor Ber­nard Dutasta.
  6. Insa Esche­bach, Katha­ri­na Zei­her, Ravens­brück 1945, Der lan­ge Weg zurück ins Leben. Auto­bio­gra­fi­sche Zeug­nis­se von Über­le­ben­den des Frau­en-Kon­zen­tra­ti­ons­la­gers, in: Insa Esche­bach, Gabrie­le Ham­mer­mann, Tho­mas Rahe (ed.), Repa­tri­ie­rung in Euro­pa 1945, Ber­lin 2016, p. 72.
  7. Ste­phan Maty­us, Die Befrei­ung von Maut­hau­sen, die foto­gra­fi­sche Per­spek­ti­ve eines Häft­lings: Fran­cis­co Boix, in: Frü­bis, Foto­gra­fien aus den Lagern, p. 167.
  8. Tes­tim­o­ny of Neus Cata­là based on inter­views con­duc­ted by Eli­sen­da Bel­en­guer Mer­ca­dé for the bio­gra­phy “Neus Cata­là, memòria i llui­ta” (Bar­ce­lo­na 2006). I would like to thank Eli­sen­da Bel­en­guer Mer­ca­dé as well as Car­me Mar­tí and Mar­ga­ri­ta Cata­là for various pie­ces of infor­ma­ti­on on this pho­to­graph and the con­text in which it was taken.
  9. See Alex­an­der Prenn­in­ger, Sym­bo­le und Ritua­le der Befrei­ungs­fei­ern in der KZ-Gedenk­stät­te Maut­hau­sen, in: Ulri­ke Dittrich, Sig­rid Jaco­beit (ed.), KZ-Sou­ve­nirs. Erin­ne­rungs­ob­jek­te der All­tags­kul­tur im Geden­ken an die natio­nal­so­zia­lis­ti­schen Ver­bre­chen, Pots­dam 2005, pp. 40–54; and Bär­bel Schmidt, Geschich­te und Sym­bo­lik der gestreif­ten Häft­lings­klei­dung, phil. Diss. Univ. Olden­burg 2000, p. 272 ff.
  10. Schmidt, Geschich­te und Sym­bo­lik, p. 273.
  11. This and other infor­ma­ti­on on the con­text in which the pho­to was taken comes from an email exch­an­ge the aut­hor had with Mar­ga­ri­ta Cata­là, daugh­ter of Neus Cata­là, in the ear­ly sum­mer of 2023.
  12. Brink, Iko­nen der Ver­nich­tung, p. 10.
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